Today, the fakes are sprayed into the chaos of social media and conspiracy websites, adding to the lack of trust in mainstream media and to the overall confusion of so-called post-fact societies. This amounts to not so much an information war, as what some analysts describe as a war on information. At its most effective, the Kremlin does not invent new issues. It tries to fan the flames of existing problems such as corruption, anti-EU and anti-NATO sentiment, low-quality media, xenophobia, and conspiracy theories. But responding to such tactics also carries the risk of replicating the Kremlins information-war mythology and seeing all domestic problems as products of an information war. This poses dangers. For one, democratic leaders can use the claim of information warfare as an excuse to attack viable opposition. In February 2016, for example, Lithuanian Prime Minister Algirdas Butkevicius alleged, with no proof, that strikes by the Trade Union of Lithuanian Teachers are influenced by Moscow. He apologized a day later, saying that hed only meant to signal the pro-Putin proclivities of the unions Russian counterparts. Others can use the claim of an information war to go after the press. Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko has called a New York Times editorial criticizing his lack of reforms part of Russias hybrid war against Ukraine, while his interior minister, Arsen Avakov, labels independent Ukrainian journalists who do not toe the government line liberal-separatists. (Many of the journalists have received death threats.) In Ukraine, there are also attempts to bring in new legislation which would allow for censorship under the cover of defending against information aggression. The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media criticized the proposed bill for potentially preventing media from acting as a watchdog on government. The Ukrainian parliament has not yet voted on the proposed change. Such legislative tactics actually play directly into the Kremlins hands.
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